[ This piece was published in The New Indian Express on 20.12.2017, with some minor changes, under the heading BRINGING BACK MALLYA NOT EASY. ]
T he government has
pulled out all the stops to extradite Mr. Mallya from the UK but it would be
well advised not to put its prestige on the line. It’s unlikely to happen,
primarily because of the dismal state of our criminal justice system and our
poor human rights track record. The developed world sets great store by both
these factors and the past history of our extradition requests clearly show
that they are not applauding us for either.
India has
extradition treaties with 38 countries and since 2002 only 61 accused have been
extradited to this country. Currently, 121 extradition requests are pending
with 24 countries. We signed a treaty with the UK in 1993 but till now only one
person has actually been extradited, and that too because he consented to it!
Ominously for the govt., the latest rejection was in October this year: one
Sanjeev Chawla, a UK based bookie, was given the reprieve even though the judge
found prima facie evidence against him for match fixing in 2000. The reasons cited
for refusing the request were our poor human rights record: abysmal conditions in
Tihar jail, overcrowding, lack of medical provisions, risk of being tortured,
violence from other inmates and prison staff which, the judge noted, “is
endemic in Tihar.” And it’s not only the UK. In February 2016 a Canadian court
rejected the extradition of Surjit Badesha and one Mrs. Malik wanted for an
honour killing in Punjab in view of the “appalling human rights record of
Indian prisons.” And therein lies the
rub.
Statistics prove
that these judges were right. With more than 450,000 persons in jail( most of
whom are undertrials and shouldn’t be there in the first place), our prisons
are horribly overcrowded: Tihar has three times the population it was designed
for. Corruption and violence are rampant. Quoting NHRC figures, the Asian
Centre for Human Rights has revealed that between 2001 and 2010 there were
14231 custodial deaths in India- 1504 in police custody, 12727 in judicial
custody. 99.99% of the deaths took place within 48 hours of the person being
taken into custody. This is damning enough, but what the international tribunals
will find even more inexplicable is the govt’s refusal to do anything about it.
India signed UNCAT ( United Nations Convention Against Torture) in 1997 but we
have not yet ratified it. We are only one of 7 countries not to have done so,
and they are not elevating company: Sudan, Gambia, Comoros, Brunei, Bahamas,
Angola. Unlike other countries, we have also failed to enact an anti- torture
law: the draft Bill has been pending in the Lok Sabha since 2010. The recent
murder of a woman inmate by warders in Arthur Road jail in Mumbai does not help
our cause.
We have not improved
our credibility with the developed world by failing to adopt or implement the
Standard Minimum Rules ( for prisoners), also known as the Nelson Mandela
Rules, adopted by the UN unanimously in 2015. This signals a disregard for
prisoner welfare and rights.
The British court will also note our pathetic
conviction rate- 45%- which will raise doubts about the genuineness of the
charges made in most of the cases, including, naturally, Mallya’s. The
independence of India’s investigating agencies will come under close scrutiny,
with the Supreme Court itself labelling the CBI a “ caged parrot.” Ironically,
the CBI is the investigating agency in Mallya’s case! The manner in which only
opponents of the ruling regime are being prosecuted will lend credence to
Mallya’s defence that he is a “political victim”. The clogged judicial system
is another major area of concern: as on October 2017 there were almost 40
million pending cases, of which 1.62 million and 743000 cases had been pending
for more than five and ten years, respectively, with the various High Courts.
These figures raise serious questions about our judicial system’s ability to
provide justice in time. Taken together, all these dysfunctionalities feed into
a perception that human rights cannot be assured in the country. Even the 2017
report of Human Rights Watch notes that India “has serious human rights
concerns.”
Certain recent
events in the Supreme Court will further erode the perceived image of our
higher judiciary- charges by senior lawyers against the Chief Justice himself
concerning his integrity, inaction on the suicide note of the Arunachal Chief
Minister in which he had accused senior judges of bribery, corruption charges
against a retired judge of the Odisha High Court. In fact, according to a press
report on the 13th. October 2017, Mallya’s lawyers have already
seized on this- his defence has already brought to the Magistrate’s notice a
research article by a scholar in Portsmouth Law University about corruption in
the Supreme Court. It does not help matters that the Court is locked in a
bitter battle of attrition with the Central Govt. over appointments and
“judicial overreach,” or when its coherence is suspect when it appears to be
internally divided, with judges overruling each other on important matters.
There is also the
question of whether Mallya’s failure to repay loans justifies criminal
prosecution or is a matter for civil action. We do have a propensity to arrest
people at the drop of a hat, whether it is for someone’s foot accidentally
touching a woman on a plane or a cartoonist lampooning someone in power. All
these factors will coalesce into a powerful defence for Mallya, and his lawyers
have already started using them. A lot of our dirty linen shall get washed in
public but the outcome is still not certain as most of the cards are stacked
against India. It is difficult for a civilised society to extradite a man to a
country with a dysfunctional legal system, a thoroughly compromised police and
a strident media which appears to be the final arbiter of guilt and innocence.