THE LONG AND THE SHORT OF IT.

  The last seven days have been a bit of a mixed week for me, somewhat like what the Delhi voter got in 2020 when he voted for Kejriwal : neither fish nor fowl but a chameleon. And for once this dog's breakfast has nothing to do with our presiding trinity- the alliterative ascetic, the corpulent chronologist or the malevolent monk. They have, of course, been up to their devious tricks as heretofore but we shall set them aside for the nonce in order to retain some semblance of our sanity (a rare commodity in this New India, you will agree).

  This particular hebdomad began with a news item sent by a friend who has an eye for the curious (the other one is for unaccompanied ladies). If you thought that the only problem with Indians is that they have been growing progressively more stupid since 2014, think again. According to research carried out by JNU (Jawahar Lal Nehru University) and published in PLoS One, analysis of NFHS (National Family Health Survey) (II to IV)data reveals that Indians have been growing shorter since 2012- the average height of the Indian male has declined by 0.86- 1.10 cms and of the female by 0.12 cms ! This is not only curious but also alarming, because average global heights have been increasing.             Experts opine that this is due to malnourishment, which is further borne out by the fact that we have now slipped to 101st place out of 116 countries in the Global Hunger Index, below Pakistan, Bangladesh and Nepal. I guess this was inevitable since everyone these days has to subsist on a staple diet of bigotism, minority bashing and lies, which is not known to promote the growth of either body or brain tissue. It may also be due to "too much democracy" and no doubt the Niti Ayog will soon look into the matter, just as soon as it has sold Rashtrapati Bhavan to the highest bidder. The building has a Double A rating and it is only proper that it goes to the "double engine" A+A duo who are driving India's growth. After all, growth of billionaires is far more desirable than the growth of your average Joe's height, isn't it?

  But as usual I have a different take on this. Per me, Indians are losing height because Mr. Modi is cutting everyone down to size, along with the economy and the GDP. Come to think of it, have you seen any Opposition leader who is more than 5' 8" in height ? The newer ones, the post- Modi breed- Kanhaiya Kumar, Mahua Moitra, Tejeshwi, Jagan Mohan Reddy, Aditya Thackeray- are even shorter. Of course, Mr. Modi is not exactly a bean pole, but then he makes up for it with a 56" chest and a beard of indeterminate length which waxes and wanes with the moon and his electoral prospects. Perhaps what we are witnessing under this government is a form of reverse-evolution: Indians regressing back to the Neanderthal Man era (whose average height was below 5 feet). Neanderthalensis too was a man of few words and all disputes were settled with the liberal use of a club. Seems familiar ? Form and substance appear to be finally  coming together, in final confirmation of the promised "Acche Din !" 

   And now for the good news. How often have you torn your hair out trying to decipher whether your doctor has prescribed Allegra or Viagra for your drooping spirits , or whether he wants you to go to a cinema or have an anema to get rid of that tense feeling ? Doctors seem to derive a sadistic pleasure from writing prescriptions which nobody except a pharmacist can read, and sometimes even he cannot. I do suspect that this is deliberate, because when they write out their consultation bill every zero in it is clearly legible. Things have become so bad that I never trust a prescription where the doctor's signature is legible. My brother, who is a senior consultant and surgeon in Mumbai, confesses that he cannot read his own prescriptions! He has now delegated the task of inscribing them to his secretary who doesn't know the difference between a laxative and a relaxative; by the time the patients find out it's usually too late.

  Well, folks, all that's about to change: a High Court has fined three doctors Rs. 5000/ each for writing illegible prescriptions and reports. It was a medico-legal case and the doctors' bad handwriting was held to be an obstruction of justice since even the court could not figure out what they had written! Just imagine if a post mortem report reads  "death caused by a  sharp wife" when what is intended to be stated is "death caused by a sharp knife" ? Indeed, the court has rendered yeoman's service to future generations. Neerja says she can now sleep easy, knowing that what I suffer from is dyspepsia and not dementia. Though I'll probably get the latter by 2024, but that won't really matter because by then this regime would have lobotomised us all into a nation of halfwits anyway. Blessed are the demented for they will never know what hit them.

IS THE JUDICIARY'S ARAB SPRING OVER ?

   I don't know about you folks, but I found the obiter dicta by a two judge bench of the Supreme Court last week very disturbing. Hearing a petition by a farmers' organisation ( not connected to the protests) for permission to congregate at Jantar Mantar in Delhi, the bench asked the question: Do the farmers have the right to protest against the three farm laws when the judicial challenge to them is under the court's consideration and the matter is sub-judice? Further, the hon'ble judges perhaps gave a glimpse of their inner thinking when they also observed that the farmers have " strangled" Delhi for months and now have the temerity to want to come to Jantar Mantar. They have now proposed to deliberate on these issues.

  Where was the need for these comments when the matter is already settled, by the same court, none other, by a number of judgments ? The latest was in December 2020 when  CJI Bobde, in a decision of considerable import, pleasantly surprised us all by ruling that protest is a fundamental right, that public protests are permissible and legal provided they don't involve violence or disturb the public order, that the court would not therefore intervene in the matter. No circumstance has changed since then to warrant second thoughts, except that the government itself has been trying its best to instigate and wreak violence, first at Karnal and now at Lakhimpur Kheri. 

  Over the last couple of months some hope had been aroused that the Supreme Court had finally resolved to confront a rampaging executive, to stand up more assertively to protect the constitutional rights of the citizens, to become more pro-active. There were heartening straws in the wind, bold pronouncements, firm orders. Some of us even dared to hope that a kind of judicial Arab spring was in the air. But the questions now asked by the court on the very rationale of the farmers' protests appear to indicate a shift in the wind, that perhaps our hopes were too premature.

  For a lay person to understand the issues involved, a lawyer friend of mine has donned the mantle of  a Devil's Advocate and sought to justify the Court's latest queries by posing four questions to me. These are questions which must also be plaguing the mind of the average citizen ( not lawyers, they have all the answers!) and therefore it would be useful to consider them. I reproduce them below, along with my response to them:

[1] If farmers have moved the Supreme Court, what is the point of continuing with the protests? The matter is sub-judice, how then can the protests continue? 

    The answer to this is pretty simple, but since there is no politically correct way to say it, here goes: the protests are continuing because the farmers ( like large swathes of the citizenry) have lost faith in the Supreme Court. The credibility of the court has never been lower than it has been over the last few Chief Justices. This is primarily because of the perception that it is reluctant to confront the government, that all major decisions have of late gone in favour of the govt., and where that is not possible the matters are simply kept in limbo.

  Secondly, to the best of my knowledge, the protesting groups of farmers under the umbrella of the SKM (Samyukta Kisan Morcha), have not gone to the Supreme Court. Six petitions challenging the three farm laws have been filed by the Bharatiya Kisan Union, one DMK Member of parliament, one RJD MP, the Chhatisgarkh Kisan Congress, and a couple of others, but not by the SKM. The SKM has always maintained that the farm laws have not just legal implications but also economic, social and political dimensions and therefore the opposition to them cannot be limited to the court rooms. One doesn't play poker with a rigged pack of cards.

  Thirdly, in a democracy the courts are only one of the options available to citizens to challenge the government. A legal or constitutional challenge to an unpopular law is only the first step, and a threshold one at that. Even if a law is legally sound, it still has to pass the test of acceptability by the people- legality and legitimacy are two separate concepts and requirements. The Supreme Court can decide on the first one, not the second- that is a political and social issue, between the government and the people, and it would be unwise and unconstitutional for any court to interfere in the process by banning protests. Popular legitimacy is as important as constitutional validity for any law.

[II] Farmers have a choice to either approach the court or to hit the road. They cannot do both.

   This in fact is the essence of the question posed by the two judge bench referred to earlier. But they are wrong, as Justice Madan Lokur ( Retired) has reiterated in a recent interview to THE WIRE: the pendency of a petition in court does not negate the option to protest. The court itself has held, in numerous judgments, that the right to protest is a fundamental right in a democracy. It synthesizes within itself key guarantees provided in our Constitution: Article 19(1)(a)- freedom of speech and expression, Article 19(1)(b)- right to assemble peacefully, Article 21- right to protection of life and liberty. These rights run pari passu with Article 32- the right to constitutional remedy, and the two are not mutually exclusive, they co-exist, they can be invoked separately or together, in sequence or simultaneously.

  In my view, the doctrine which the bench appears to be postulating is dangerous for democracy, as an editorial in the TRIBUNE on 7th October has pointed out. In a democracy the streets are as important as the courts as arenas for opposing a government, more especially so when Parliament has been emasculated, as in the India of today. Any attempt to put a gag order on street protests by using the doctrine of "sub-judice" would be anti democratic and unconstitutional. All it would take to " strangulate" (the court's favourite word) any opposition to government policies would be one fixed/ contrived petition in the court for or against the policy. And this is not speculation: it is already happening with this govt., including on the farm laws. The Supreme Court should not make the mistake of believing that it is the only guardian of democracy- the people on the streets make better sentinels, and anything which ties their hands or gags them is to be condemned by all right thinking people.

[III] The farming laws have been stayed by the SC, so why continue with the protests ?

   Because this govt. cannot be trusted, either to keep its word or to respect even judicial orders. Remember the Rafale case where it lied to the court about the CAG (Comptroller and Auditor General) having presented its audit report to Parliament ? Or the Aadhaar judgment prohibiting the linking of Aadhaar to non welfare schemes, which is being violated on a daily basis with impunity ? Or the more recent Pegasus issue, where the govt. refused to file an affidavit even when asked by the court to do so? Moreover, a stay or injunction is an interim and temporary order and can be lifted at any time, it does not provide a permanent solution.

  Secondly, suppose the SC finally decides that the laws are legal and constitutional; the stay would then be automatically vacated and the laws would become effective. The farmers would then be left in the lurch, having observed the stay and foregone their right to protest. It would be well nigh impossible to rekindle the momentum the protests have acquired. And finally, public protests are a means of spreading the message throughout the country, in the absence of the kind of financial resources and lapdog media which the govt. has at its command to broadcast ITS propaganda and misinformation. Suspending the protests would adversely effect the farmers' ability to muster support for a legitimate cause and movement; it would also enable the govt. to quietly implement the three laws in an insidious manner, as it has been doing with Aadhaar and even with CAA (Citizenship Amendment Act). The status quo would favour only the govt. at the cost of the farmers.

[ IV]  The Supreme Court can fast track hearings so why not wait for the decision ?

   Once again, it's the lack of credibility of the court, based on its recent track record. The constitutional challenges to the farm laws have been pending for almost a year now, with no end in sight. Even the report of the Expert Committee set up by the court has been submitted to it a few months back but  has not been made public for some inexplicable reason, let alone taken up for consideration. This appears to have become a pattern now whenever some contentious matter concerning the executive is involved. Other important cases have also been pending with the court for years- Electoral Bonds, abrogation of Article 370, The Kashmir Reorganisation Act, CAA and NRC, UAPA (Unlawful Activities Prevention Act)- and even applications for urgent hearing have not speeded up their disposal. Once again, the status quo suits the government. One cannot blame the farmers for their lack of faith in the judiciary's ability or will to decide on the farm laws quickly, and therefore to continue with their protests.

  In an earlier blog (https://avayshukla.blogspot.com/2021/01/the-farmers-protest-does-not-require.html ) I had argued that the Supreme Court should concern itself with only the legal challenges to the three farm laws, and should keep away from the subject of the protests themselves. The latter are not within its domain, nor does it have the expertise or training to adjudicate on them. The protests are a politico-socio-economic movement to be resolved either in Parliament or in the country's public spaces, not in court-rooms. I stand by this position with even greater conviction today. It is not the job of the judiciary to pull the executive's chestnuts out of the fire. Any attempt to restrict or ban the protests by farmers can only weaken our " partial democracy" further, and create an even wider trust deficit between the people and the judiciary.

  One swallow does not make a summer, but it can at least be a harbinger of the spring we are all waiting for.

   

WHEN DID WE BECOME SUCH A BRUTAL COUNTRY ?

   Circe is the mythical Greek goddess- sorceress who ruled the island of Aeaea; any shipwrecked mariner who landed on its shores was turned into an animal- wolf, lion, swine- a fate which also befell the Greek hero Odysseus. In 1965 Nirad C Chaudhri, the last of the breed of Anglophiles, wrote a book of essays on India which he titled THE CONTINENT OF CIRCE. It was his postulation that, for various reasons, the Indian sub-continent was a continent of Circe, turning humans into animals. Nirad da was roundly condemned at the time for this sacrilege and betook himself to Oxford in a kind of self imposed exile. Today, half a century later, he has been completely vindicated- we have become a country of beasts, not so much of the lion and wolf variety as that of the porcine one.

  Anyone who has been surprised by the police violence and deaths in Darrang district of Assam last week, or by the murder of a Kanpur businessman in a Gorakhpur hotel by six policemen this past Wednesday , must have been in a coma these last seven years. Because the hatred, the viciousness of majoritarianism, the intolerance, the complete lack of compassion for Gandhi's " daridranarayan", the total lack of accountability, the religious fanaticism which has been building up since 2014 has been there for all to see. It has been steadily spreading its poisonous tentacles as the BJP has consolidated itself and its rule. Geographically, it has gone beyond the Hindu heartland, even into hitherto untouched north-east; it has infected government agencies and services, including the Army and the IAS; it has captured most of the media; it has occupied the mind spaces of society to a point where men have lost their reason and have become, well, swines.

  It began, of course, as all bad things do, with the government of the day, ably supported and instigated by the shadowy figures in Nagpur. The strategy functioned/ functions at three levels. One, push through policies to disempower and de-identify all minorities, especially the "abbajans". Secondly, encourage second rung leaders to make open and provocative statements targeting minorities, dissidents, farmers, journalists, even inconvenient industrialists, so that the message is clearly understood. Third, let loose the hounds as in Muzzafarnagar and north-east Delhi , our own made-in-India Ku Klux Klan, with firm directions to the police to act as facilitators for the violence. And the rot has set in deep within the government itself.

  The brutality shows when  a young rape victim is forcibly cremated at midnight by an administration which later tells a court that absence of spermatozoa means no rape took place; it shows when 500 farmers are allowed to die at protest sites and the Prime Minister cannot spare even one tweet of sympathy; it shows when millions of migrants are compelled to trudge hundreds of miles to their homes, with the administration lathi-charging them and hosing them with pesticides to hurry them along; it shows when the government says no Covid victim died of lack of oxygen; it shows when students are beaten up in their hostels and libraries, millions disenfranchised as citizens of the country on the basis of a dodgy immigration policy, when you can be shot to death for having a lathi in your hands. It is an endless litany, and after a while the brain stops registering anything except a passive acceptance of our depravation and brutalisation.

  Responding to the dog whistles from Delhi the administration has become totally insensitive and heartless, as exemplified by the NITI AYOG CEO's assertion that we " have too much democracy." Sovereign violence is the answer to any protest, cases against victims the response to mob lynchings. The police in most states are now totally unaccountable, encounter killings a standard SOP, sedition and the UAPA (Unlawful Activities Prevention Act) the weapons of first resort for a blood thirsty apparatus. Even the elite civil services have been infected by the virus of power lust. The SDM of Karnal who has interpreted the CRPC to be  some kind of a Handbook on Savagery is, unfortunately, not the only civil servant to do so, he is only the latest example of what happens when the bureaucracy imbibes the perverted values of its political masters. There have been at least seven documented incidents in the recent past alone when officers of the level of District Magistrate/ Sub Divisional Magistrate have displayed utter savagery and a particular ideological bent of mind in dealing with the public.                                                                                                                                                       An IAS officer slaps a young boy on a road in Shahjapur district of MP for no ostensible reason; Prakash Singh Rajput, SDM of Surajpur in Chattisgarh hits a young man and forces him to do sit-ups for violating quarantine rules; a District Magistrate in Tripura barges into a wedding function, intimidating and arresting people at will for the same reason; Ranbir Sharma, a Collector in Chattisgarh slaps a man and smashes his cell phone on a road for some imagined slight.  A magistrate has no legal authority to use physical force on a citizen, and each of these acts by these officers amounts to a criminal offence, but no attempt has been made to discipline them. This growing trend of civil servants behaving like storm troopers of an occupation force must be curbed with an iron hand before it becomes the norm, as it already has with the police.

  This heartlessness and lack of compassion or concern for the ordinary citizen has not spared the judiciary either. Taking due care not to antagonize the executive, it has fallen prey to the same disease. There can be no other conclusion when journalists and activists are kept in prison for years on trumped up or no charges at all, when hundreds of habeas corpus petitions are allowed to pend for months, when no action is taken on cases of forced encounters, when it takes a court three weeks to decide whether an undertrial who suffers from Parkinsons can be permitted a sipper for drinking water, when a man practically on his deathbed is refused bail on medical grounds, when a woman who accuses a judge of improper sexual advances can be dismissed from service and put under surveillance.

  The less said about the major part of the media- print and television- the better. They resemble nothing better than a pack of hyenas feeding off the offal thrown them by a contemptuous executive. Their complete lack of humanity and empathy was more than evident in the coverage of the Tabliqui Jamaat congregation, the exhumation of the still warm corpse of Sushant Rajput, the sufferings of millions of migrant labour, the demonisation of those who protested against the CAA and NRC, the state assault on students that happens every day, their complicity with the government in covering up the tens of thousands of deaths in the second wave. The media has mortgaged not only its ethics but also its soul to Mammon.

  But most disheartening and saddening of all is the brutalisation of our society as a whole. Under the onslaught of a government and a party which has an EVM where its heart should be, our collective social values have all but collapsed into a stinking pool of prejudices, ignorance, triumphalism and religious intolerance. Everything- every repressive action, every incident of state or vigilante violence, every police atrocity, every lie by the government, every distortion of history- is seen through a religious prism, and the hard facets of the prism sanctify and bless all misdeeds of the government and its minions. Underpinning all this is nothing but hatred- for Muslims, intellectuals, questioning students, protesting farmers, liberals, human rights activists, migrant labour, landless dalits. In short, anyone who questions the government or makes it look bad. I am appalled at the kind of forwards and messages floating around on Whatsapp and Facebook. There is no use blaming these platforms, as we are constantly attempting to do. They do the work of Dorian Grey's picture- honestly reflecting back to us the ugly reality of what we have become as a nation but refuse to admit. We may deny it but that will not change the reality.

  It is bad enough when the politics of the day becomes callous and brutal, but this is not irretrievable. Parties in power change, and an inhumane or harsh ideology can be replaced by a softer, more liberal one. But once this malignancy enters the apparatus of administration and the blood stream of society it is difficult to dislodge. We appear to be entering this terminal stage. 

  I am reminded of two lines form Lord Byron's Child Harolde's Pilgrimage which were inscribed by the distinguished jurist H.M. Seervai on the first page of  his authoritative book  "Constitutional Law Of India":

" A thousand years scarce serve to form a state,

An hour may lay it in the dust."

Has Nirad Babu's hour arrived finally?

THE PASSPORT DILEMMA

   I've just discovered that my passport has expired, but after much deliberation I've decided not to renew it. I already have more "citizenship" documents than I can handle in my advancing years- Aadhar card, Voter ID, Domicile certificate, Driving licence, CGHS card, I.D. card, Club Membership card, PAN card, Pension Life Certificate- and most of them require periodic renewals. I refuse to spend the rest of my life standing in queues, repeating my father's name and date of birth ad nauseam, giving my finger prints and iris scans that never match the previous set and can therefore transport me to Tihar jail before you can say "anti- national". It's time to lighten my KYC (Know Your Customer) burden. But there are other reasons too for giving the passport a pass.

  I'm terrified of the possibility that the Ministry of External Affairs may decide to affix Mr. Modi's photo next to mine on the passport. Now that all Covid vaccination certificates will have been issued by December, the Ministry is already looking around for new documents on which to paste his saintly visage. And what better way to enhance his global visibility than to put his benign portrait on 65 million passports ? I've no problem with his photo per se, but where does this end ? Will it be Yogi Adityanath in 2024 ? Or Kejriwal in 2029 ? Or Kangana Ranaut in 2034 ? I mean, for the sake of God, is it a passport or a rogues' gallery, or an INDIA TODAY ad for wannabe Prime Ministers? Not that I mind being next to the Raging Ranaut (it's the closest I'll ever get to the ravishing diva) ,but I'll probably not be around by then, so why should I have to share print space with these other scary specimens ? You get the point, hopefully.

  I've done my share of globe trotting and am the poorer for it, I don't think I can afford it any more. It's not the price of the airline ticket I'm worried about, but my moveable property (no, this does not include my wife: anyone who knows her will tell you that Neerja is as moveable as a grand piano with Pavarotti sitting cross-legged on it). It's my registered baggage I'm talking about, folks: I and my suitcases are never destined to meet at the same destination. I've lost more registered baggage than I've declared in my Annual Moveable Property returns to the government; some of it is probably now floating around in the stratosphere as space debris. I've sued the airlines but somehow always lose the cases along with the suitcases. But I can no longer afford to lose or misplace my remaining trousers and toothbrushes: I subsist on a pension now, and what with the denial of 18 months' DA arrears by the lady- who- doesn't- eat- onions, I now live from one "Quick Wash" to another. Any break in this cycle and I'll be looking for fig leaves to cover my very modest modesty. 

   And now, with this pandemic, our passports are as useful as a one-legged man in an arse-kicking competition. Then there's this god-almighty confusion about Covid tests on departure and quarantine on arrival. Factoring in all this, it takes almost as long to travel from Mumbai to London as it did on a P+O (Pacific and Orient) liner in the days when people travelled by ship. It's also very dangerous: a recent article shows how, in pure law of averages terms, someone on a plane has a 80 % chance of testing positive on arrival. No wonder there are fewer couples walking down the aisles of planes today than the aisles of churches. And then of course there's the issue of the middle seat: the gals at the check-in counters invariably have one look at me and allot me the middle seat (perhaps for my own safety), in which I feel a bit like Yogi Adityanath sitting between Mr. Modi and Mr. Shah- hemmed in, you know, usually by a large lady on the left and a hyper active kid on the right. And since both are protected by misguided laws, there's very little I can do except- like Yogi Adityanath- remember my " abbajan" and wish I was never born.

  And now there's Afghanistan, which has completely changed the geo-politics of the Hindutva brigade, giving it a strategic depth which Pakistan would be envious of. Till now, if you fell foul of these nationalists, you were advised to move to Pakistan. Now, this invitation can also be extended to relocate in Afghanistan. This doesn't appeal to me at all: no Shukla has ever made it beyond the Khyber pass  (with good reason) and I do not intend to be the first one to do so. If I have a passport I could be put on the next flight to Kabul or Kandahar and dispatched forthwith amid the chanting of Jai Shri Rams and a liberal sprinkling of well directed stones. However, this may be more difficult to do if I don't have the said document, since even the Taliban now insist on one if anybody is stupid enough to want to go to this benighted country. It's safer therefore not to have a passport these days. As the punster said: don't travel, stay Indore and watch your savings Dublin.

OUR HOUSES ARE LIVING ENTITIES TOO - A TALE OF TWO HOUSES

   I have always believed that the houses we build for ourselves have anthropomorphic qualities, that they are as much part of our families as any other member, that they also share our feelings and emotions, that they reflect our own states of mind, that they too have their own destinies just as we do, destinies inextricably linked with ours. They are not mere brick and mortar, they are living, sentient beings like us, they go through good times and bad, and like us they also mature , age and die. And as time marches on inexorably, I am only getting more confirmed in my belief.

  Houses, dwellings, homes are an extension of their creators and of those who dwell- or dwelt- in them. Over time they absorb the vibrations- both positive and negative- that their owners radiate and in turn reflect them back. You must surely have noticed that there are happy houses and sad houses, houses that spontaneously give off cheer and well being while there are others that diffuse sorrow and misery. Ponder a bit more, and you will also notice - you cannot fail to- that these effusions invariably reflect the state of mind and emotional condition of the people who live in them. (They are very similar to our pets, dogs especially, who also reflect the personalities of their owners. Show me a dog and I'll be able to tell you what kind of person his master is ! ) To adapt Tolstoy's famous observation- all happy houses are happy in the same way, but all unhappy houses are unhappy in their own, different ways.

  I have observed this phenomenon playing out in my own extended family. Both my grandfathers built fine mansions in the prime of their lives. My paternal grandfather, Pandit Kalicharan Shukla who had a flourishing chain of bookshops in Calcutta, built a massive haveli in his village Husainganj in U.P. sometime in the early 1930's. In 1939 my maternal grandfather, Shri Roopnarain Shukla, a leading advocate of his time, built a mansion in Kanpur, U.P. Both the buildings are now nearing centurion status, but their destinies have been different, like that of two individuals, and it shows in their visage and condition.

  For its first forty years or so the Husainganj haveli was a cheerful beehive of activity. Its thirty odd rooms were always occupied by hordes of Shuklas- my grandfather's extended family, his five children and their progeny. The kitchen worked almost 24x7, especially when we as kids and teens landed up there for our holidays, and halwais were called in to make sweets, Akhand Ramayan and other religious " paths" were organised frequently. Neighbours, panchayat members, village officials were always dropping in to have a " darshan" of Pandit Kalicharan. There was no electricity those days but at nights the haveli glowed with a hundred lamps and sounds of laughter and music wafted through the air, almost as if the haveli itself was giving voice to its delight at playing host to so many of its family.

  Things started changing rapidly in the 60's and 70's. Both my grandfather and grandmother died in quick succession, their children retired to different towns, and my generation scattered all over the globe, busy with their own families. No one had the time or perhaps even the inclination to go back to a village with no power, piped water, flush toilets or cable TV. Holidays were now spent in hill stations, Goa or London. The haveli was locked up and more or less abandoned; with a joint family now running into dozens, everyone's responsibility became no one's responsibility. All of Pandit Kalicharan's children are also now gone; the haveli is a multiple orphan, crumbling and dilapidated, both its body and its heart broken by the inexorable passage of time.

                           

             

                             The desolate Husainganj haveli today

It's a ruin now, an old man who has lost the will to live, forsaken by those who once played in its lap, waiting for death, its denuded doors and windows like empty eye sockets, looking upon a world without hope. Once a happy home, it's now a hollow shell. Not unlike a lot of old men living alone in empty flats in uncaring cities, hoping against hope that their children will visit them someday, waiting for their destiny to play itself out.

 My maternal grandfather's mansion in Civil Lines, Kanpur, has been more fortunate. Although of almost similar vintage, it has aged much better. Roopnarain Shukla also had a large family- six children- all of whom grew up in this house. But, unlike the haveli, this home was never abandoned; my Mama/ Mami and cousins still live there- the fourth generation. And the building shows this- a still graceful 80 year old, full of vitality and activity, glowing in the evenings, rejuvenated from time to time with parties, poojas and " paths". I go there often, but do not have the feeling of sadness and a dull regret ( mixed with guilt) that Husainganj engenders. It's a happy house, looking to the future and not the past , aware that it is still cherished and loved, nurturing its residents, not one which has given up hope and is just waiting to die.

                     

                                     A happier house in Kanpur ( Photo by Dr. Anupam Shukla)

  Both houses mirror the fate that befalls many humans, the different paths that life takes- they are but reflections of the attitudes and emotions of those who live or lived in them. Where there is love and care there is happiness, where there is neglect and unconcern there is despondency. In many ways, our houses reflect the direction our own destinies have taken.

  Which is why I always envy my cousins in Kanpur- you have to be fortunate to have been born and brought up in the same house where your parents and grandparents also lived ( and perhaps bid you farewell), for their memories make it a consecrated and blessed place. Walls not only have ears, they also speak- of your family's past, of events witnessed, of the good times and the bad. They keep us together and remind us of family bonds which can otherwise unravel very quickly in these turbulent times. Families which stay together stick together. And our houses reflect all this, make it possible- their bricks are the DNA, the building blocks of families.

  And I sometimes wonder what fate awaits the house I built in Mashobra in 2007, which Neerja has lovingly named " Shinay" ( a state of quietude, meditation and inner peace.) Since then we have had more than our fair share of adversity and misfortune which kept us in exile in Delhi for a long time. But Shinay has provided us a safe harbour, a place we continue to return to for solace and to heal our souls.

                                                        The author's house, SHINAY.

                                                                                                                                                                   But the march of time will take its toll, and I occasionally wonder: will Shinay, in the years to come, continue to greet the morning sun with the joyous promise of another day, will the birds continue to sing in the trees that surround it, will the flowers still bloom with that little extra tint of colour and whiff of fragrance ? Maybe it's better that I don't know what awaits in the womb of fate. For in time the red brick walls of Shinay will tell their own story, like all houses do.

IT IS EASIER TO ERASE HISTORY THAN TO SCRIPT IT.

  History and literature rarely get it wrong. Didn't the poet say that " If demonetisation comes, can monetisation be far behind ?" And Ms Sitharaman has proved him right with her just launched NMP or National Monetisation Pipeline , barely five years after the National Demonetisation Pipedream, which turned out to be more of a nightmare than a dream. This one won't fare much better and, given the inept handling of disinvestment so far ( including Air- India ), is all set to be another man-made calamity. But it was never really intended to monetise, its purpose is to monopolise, thereby making a few of the Godfather's cronies even richer. It could more appropriately have been titled National Monopolisation Pipeline. But I am not on the economics of the programme today- that is better left to Mr Chidambaram and Kaushik Basu. I am struck today by the psychology and pathology that lurks behind such thinking.

  The NMP is not a one-off, and should be seen as the latest manifestation of a mental disease, just as Covid is only the latest of a long string of coronas. The condition is now endemic among the top BJP/ RSS leadership. It springs from the insecurity, over weening rodomontade, and the narcissistic self glorification instincts of one individual. It began as paranoia but has now assumed the proportions of a psychotic disconnect from reality. Simply diagnosed, the disease is this: a Kublai Khan complex, the refusal to acknowledge the contributions of leaders before or after him, and to destroy and dismantle every good work done by others. Leave no trace of any good work done before 1 AD ( After Damodaran) .

  To the extent that the NMP privatises a huge chunk of the public infrastructure painstakingly built over the last 75 years- railways, ports, airports, godowns, mines, pipelines, stadiums- it is only the latest attempt to rewrite history and to redact the contributions of past governments to the country's development. It should surprise no one, because this exercise has been going on for the last seven years, but it's only now that the dots are connecting themselves. Here are some instances leading up to this  destruction:

* Renaming the Planning Commission as the NITI Ayog. It has served no purpose and achieved nothing but has severed one important link in the chain of federalism.

* Replacing the National Relief Fund with PMCARES. This is not just empty vainglory but a cunning strategem to avoid any audit of donations, voluntary or coerced.

* Doing away with the special status/ statehood of Jammu and Kasmir, something which all previous governments( including Mr. Vajpayee's ) had preserved even through the most difficult times. This will now come to haunt Mr. Modi with the Taliban making clear its intentions about Jammu and Kashmir, but the country's larger interests be damned: it's more important to win Uttar Pradesh in 2022

* Renaming towns and cities simply to remove inherited legacies and create another historical black-out.

* Vandalising the very heart of Delhi to obliterate its very essence- 4.58 lakh sq. meters of it- something even the Mughals had not attempted on this scale. The Central Vista project shall permanently demolish or make dysfunctional some of our most iconic structures, and ( more importantly for the BJP) the nation's memories that are associated with them: Parliament, National Museum, Indira Gandhi Centre for Arts, National Archives ( Annexe), Vigyan Bhavan, Krishi Bhavan, Nirman Bhavan, Shastri Bhavan, Udyog Bhavan. They are an affront to the new leadership because they are reminders of how little this party had contributed to the freedom and development of a modern India, and so they have to go.

* The shocking and infantile omitting of Nehru's name by the ICHR (Indian Council of Historical Research) from the poster meant to commemorate India's 75th year of independence, while the names and images of all others are there. This is almost an ethnic cleansing of the Nehru name and legacy.

* The renovation of Mahatma Gandhi's internationally famous Sabarmati Ashram, without even a cursory consultation with its trustees, employees and residents. This will destroy for ever the simplicity and solemnity of the place, which was in fact the true reflection of the Mahatma's values and beliefs. But these are of no further value to this government, what they need is his name and a makeover by a favourite architect.

* The Disneyfication of Jalianwalla Bagh, inspite of the protests of historians, scholars, relatives of the shot freedom fighters and even an outraged global community. This is a place where death came to thousands of innocents and deserves to be remembered as such, preserved as a frozen moment in time so that the nation never ever forgets its gory legacy: the narrow lane through which the soldiers marched with their machine guns, the bullet holes on the walls, the well of death, the blood stains everywhere. For this government, however, it is just an amusement park, perhaps to be " monetised" at some future date, a moment in history which serves no further electoral purpose, a monument to be replaced with another temple or statue in some distant place. 

* Just about every welfare/ social programme introduced by previous governments has been renamed to break its connect with the past. Shashi Tharoor, MP, had, in 2017, come out with a list of 19 such programmes of the UPA ( out of 23) which the BJP has appropriated but rechristened in true cuckoo fashion. They include: Nirmal Bharat Abhiyan ( renamed as Swacch Bharat Mission ), National Manufacturing Policy ( Make in India ). National Skill Development Programme ( Skill India ), Free LPG connections to BPL families ( Prime Minister's Ujjwala Yojana), National E-Governance Plan ( Digital India ), Basic Savings Bank Deposit Account ( Jan Dhan Yojana ). This is not even old wine in new bottles, but old wine in old bottles with only the label changed. The list must be even longer now.

* Revising the syllabus of colleges and schools under the New Education Policy to delete references to inconvenient truths like federalism, secularism, citizenship etc. because they don't suit the BJP's ideological narrative. Rest assured, however, that these are only stop- gap measures till the time the party has the majority to amend the Constitution and get rid of these irritants permanently.

* The attempt to fundamentally alter the character of India's premier civil services- the All India Services. Structured painstakingly by Sardar Patel and Nehru to bind the Union and the states and to maintain a balance of power between them, Mr. Modi is hell bent on obliterating their federal component; their objective selection process is being compromised by lateral entries; the members of these services themselves are being intimidated into being disloyal to the states. This "steel frame" is perhaps the most visible and influential reminder of the nation building work done by the Congress after Independence, and therefore must be demolished.

  The genesis of the RSS / BJP's insecurity with the past lies in the fact that history has not been kind to them, and with good reason, and therefore must be rewritten, or at least redacted ( like the CAG report on Rafael ! ) This explains also the visceral hatred for the Nehru family; the ghost of Jawaharlal Nehru, particularly, has to be exorcised for ever from the nation's collective memory for he is still the symbol of the freedom movement and the architect of a modern India- to neither of which the BJP or its precursor ever contributed.

 But there is a problem here, and it has been brilliantly enunciated by Dr. Parakala Prabhakar in one of his weekly videos: Nehru is both a threat and a necessity for the BJP, it needs him even as it seeks to destroy him. The BJP, according to Dr. Prabhakar, needs Nehru so that it can blame him for its own failures and incompetence; but it also needs to destroy him so that it can erase from public memory his contributions to a modern India, and also hide their own absence from India's freedom movement. It's a schizophrenic state of mind.

  The sickness begins when you conflate an idea with the leader, as Tarun Tejpal points out in his recent essay on Animal Farm : the leader is now a living embodiment, and he alone represents the idea. "And the idea that is now the leader is the statue, is the building, is the road, is the hospital, is the airport. In his name do a thousand flowers bloom."  There can be no place for anyone else or any other idea. This is grandiosity, paranoia and insecurity combined, but it is not statesmanship.

  Greatness requires a dream, not a grudge; it needs a vision for the future, not a wallowing in the past; it is based on creation, not destruction. But these are distinctions which the Supreme Leader is perhaps incapable of understanding.

THE ALTERNATE SOCIAL MEDIA IS RESTORING THE BALANCE OF NEWS

   In the 2014 and 2019 elections every dimension of the news and social media was completely dominated by the BJP. The so-called mainstream print and television sector had already been or more or less bought out or intimidated into a hallelujah mode. As for Facebook and its subsidiaries, Whatsapp and Instagram, one has only to read the book THE REAL FACE OF FACEBOOK by Paranjoy Guha Thakurta and Cyril Sam to realise how complete the BJP's control over these mediums had become. This well researched volume exposes fully the complicity of Facebook in blatantly favouring, and working with, the BJP in furthering its political agenda. There is, of course, nothing new in this: increasingly, Facebook seems to prefer extreme right wing ideologies across the globe, and to consort with its purveyors, who tend to be autocratic or semi-autocratic governments. No wonder Mr. Amit Shah could boast, before the 2019 U.P. elections, that " we are capable of delivering any message we want to the public, whether sweet or sour, true or fake." This was no idle boast: the BJP had 3.20 million group members in just UP alone !

  Today, nothing has changed for the print and television media. A leading newspaper just dropped Karan Thapar's weekly column because he dared to point out that the Muslims had also been victims of the partition riots in Jammu. Television will still not show you Rahul Gandhi's press conferences or discuss the recent hate crimes in MP; they will instead spend hours on Sidhu's shenanigans in Punjab. But what is changing now is social media. Not Facebook and its instruments, not Twitter whose so-called " confrontation" with the government is nothing but a vaudeville act which should fool no one. The BJP needs these platforms before the 2022 elections and cannot afford to antagonise them. As the previous IT Minister found out too late. 

  The new, and fresh, faces of news are the channels on YouTube and digital news platforms. They are independent, not beholden to either the government or the corporates for financial support, get their funds directly from subscribers. These platforms are run either by small outfits or individuals who enjoy a lot of credibility among the discerning public, including senior journalists whose integrity was not to the liking of television channels, and academics and intellectuals who believe that keeping quiet is not an option any longer. These channels and platforms are making a commendable effort to redress the balance in Indian journalism. I myself watch just one hour of television news in a day: the 7.30 PM news bulletin of BBC to get the international news, and the 8.00 to 8.30 PM Newshour on NDTV to get the latest Covid figures, since Sonia Singh seems to be besotted with them ! For actual news and its analysis I turn to YouTube and the digital news portals.

  Lest you cock a snook at them, let me tell you that these are not chicken feed: some of them have subscriber bases running into millions. THE WIRE was part of the consortium of 16 global publications which investigated the Pegasus case. The other portals which still have the guts to take on the government are THE CITIZEN, HW NEWS, THE PRINT and QUINT. Their strength is that they not only present news responsibly, without any bias, but provide their viewers with rational and objective analyses, which is almost totally missing from other media.

  The YouTube channels are in a category by themselves, and may their tribe increase ! Most of them are in Hindi, which is a good thing because this increases their reach and catchment area. The better ones include Ashutosh's SATYA HINDI, NEWS CLICK, ARTICLE 19, LIVE TV, THE PRINT, TV NEWSANCE. Unlike the jaded and repetitive TV channels they are not dependent on biased wire news feeds like ANI for their information, nor do they have to depend on the same faces (the G-37) of recycled " experts" or party spokespersons for their analysis of events. They thus bring a freshness and a 360 degree perspective in their reporting.

  Even better are a number of outstanding individuals who regularly post their videos on YouTube to analyse specific events, policy decisions and trends. They go BEHIND the news to make better sense of it and provide a depth of analysis that is missing from mainstream media. It helps that they are all experts in their fields ( law, corporate matters, international affairs, defence ) , or coopt experts whose credentials cannot be questioned. Included in this list are Parakala Prabhakar , Punya Prasun Bajpayi, Faye D'Souza, Sujit Nair, Faizan Mustafa, Ravish Kumar, Akhilesh Bhargava, Abhisar Sharma, Pravin Sawhney and Dhruv Rathee ( who has 5 million subscribers!) Karan Thapar is another YouTuber whose regular THE INTERVIEW routinely attracts a couple of lakh views: it is the nearest we will ever get to a HARD TALK type of show in India.

  All these channels and individuals provide an invaluable service to the citizens at a time when all news is either censored or fake, when the BJP's IT Cell has replaced Reuters and PTI as the biggest dispenser of ( fake) news, and it has become impossible to distinguish between paid and genuine news. Granted that they are not camp followers of the ruling party or the government and are generally critical of them, but that too is an essential ingredient of a democracy. They are performing yeoman's service in attempting to set the balance right.

  And it's working. It appears to me that the government has belatedly recognised that its complete dominance of the social media is now under threat, notwithstanding that the Electoral Bonds will ensure that Facebook and its subsidiaries will remain in its pockets. Which explains the new IT regulations and the desperation to impose controls over all digital channels and posts. It is heartening that a couple of High Courts have struck down some of the insidious provisions of these rules, and that the Supreme Court has so far refused to interfere with their orders.

  It's time to switch off your TV and turn on YouTube.