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Friday 30 September 2022

THE SPIDER AND THE FLY- HOW NOT TO NEGOTIATE.

    "Will you walk into my parlour?" said the spider to the fly,

    " Tis the prettiest little parlour that ever you did spy."

   [ Mary Hewitt. 1829]

     

The road to the Hindu Rashtra, along with that other place most of us are headed for, is paved with good intentions. I refer, of course, to the August meeting which five noted Muslim members of civil society had held with Mr. Bhagwat, the RSS (Rashtriya Sewak Sangh) Sarsanghchalak. I have no doubt at all that Mr. Quraishi, Najib Jang et al had no ulterior motive, that their intentions were honest and that they sincerely wished to act as bridge between the minorities and the Hindutva forces. But it was a horrendous error of judgment nonetheless, both strategically and tactically.

   As a strategy it was short-sighted and surprisingly naive, given that these gentlemen are experienced in public life and have risen to the top of their professions: they should have known better. Firstly, why talk to the RSS at all ? It has no official standing, functions as an extra-constitutional force, and has no formal role in our governmental structure. When this question was put to  Quraishi by Karan Thapar he replied that the RSS was already a legitimate force and that therefore there was nothing wrong in talking to it. I would beg to differ with my senior colleague: the RSS may be a legal organisation, it may be the power behind the throne, but its larger legitimacy is in doubt, and has always been. It has been repeatedly banned, is suspected to specialise in stirring the communal pot, could be behind many of the excesses of the present regime, is distrusted by the minorities. There is a difference between legality and legitimacy- the former is a function of law, the latter of social acceptability across the board and not by just one community.

  The second strategic mistake was to talk with an organisation primarily responsible for the ongoing subjugation of the community to which these five gentlemen belong, beginning with the movement against the Babri Masjid. How could they have trusted the Sarsanghchalak, given his record of double speak? He had said, after the SC (Supreme Court) judgment on Babri Masjid, that the RSS would not campaign for "restoration" of any other temples- but has launched a movement against the mosques at Kashi, Mathura and God knows where else. He talks of a common Indian DNA but insists that Muslims in India should be known as Hindu Muslims. He talks of treating Muslims as bona fide citizens of India, but does nothing to stop his own govt. from practically disenfranchising them at every turn. Going to talk to such a person with his stated position, at HIS behest and in HIS office, amounts to abject surrender (not "appeasement" as another commentator has termed it, in my view). And those who surrender, or are seen to be supplicants, cannot set the terms of any treaty or agreement.

   Tactically too, it is apparent that our five friends have had the tables turned on them: it appears that there was no agreed upon agenda for the meeting. Consequently Bhagwat got the two assurances/ clarifications he wanted ( for whatever they are worth) on "kaffirs" and beef consumption, whereas our five interlocutors got nothing in return. The RSS Supremo had cleverly prepared his exit suit in advance: according to Quraishi/Jung, he expressed his helplessness by stating that he lacks support, that he has his limitations, that his word is not law, that he is subjected to criticism. Why then talk to him at all? A question asked by Karan Thapar, without any satisfactory reply.

The discussion seems to have been at a dialectical, almost philosophical, level and therefore doomed to failure. No attempt was made to take up the real life issues that matter to Muslims today, their serial persecution: CAA (Citizen Amendment Act), NRC (National Register of Citizens), hijab bans, Dharam Sansads, bulldozers, hate speech, demolition of madrasas. On none of these has  Bhagwat uttered a word in the past. Surely, any meaningful discussion should have posed these subjects to him, if only to know where he stands on them. Sadly, the opportunity to do so went abegging- why?

  I am loathe to say so, but after watching the interview with Karan Thapar, it seemed to me that, in order to justify their meeting, Quraishi-Jung sounded like apologists and interpreters for  Bhagwat. They excuse him for his non-committal stance, they would "like to believe" him even though they "can't read his mind", they find his body language reassuring(!). The fact that he listened to them with "rapt attention" and without any interruption, we are told, shows his sincerity. They even admire his sense of humour (though I don't in the least find that reassuring). The duo are constantly interpreting what the Sarsanghchalak said- or, more important, did not say- in order to extract from the ore a nugget of hope which is just not there.

   It is important to note that, (as far as I am aware), Mohan Bhagwat has not said a word about the meeting in public, or confirmed any of the conclusions/ interpretations of it that Quraish-Jung have revealed in their interview with Karan Thapar. He does not have to, he has got what he wanted. As far as he is concerned the meeting has served its purpose as a PR exercise. Our five friends have burnished his fading international image and given him a fresh lease of life as an ideologue sensitive to the concerns of the minorities, willing to engage with them, and willing to revisit his beliefs. None of that has been proven or even demonstrated. Which is why this meeting, a masterpiece of double speak on the part of  Bhagwat, should never have taken place. A fly should think twice before venturing into the spider's parlour.

10 comments:

  1. Why Bhagwat? Unanswerable. They/ Others should meet with the PM instead. Indeed, if the RSS is even imagined to be stepping out of line our PM & HM can out-spider any trespass. Hence the centre of power. The desk from which the buck ought not to pass but for to and fro. It would be wonderful to put questions to him and await his replies. Why the hate? Why perpetuate and condone criminality? What do being close to the bottom on various indices mean to him?
    I think Mr Bhagwat's visitors were trying to remain the gentlemen they are and thereby hung their tale. Never mind. In these times no effort should be spared. The consolation is things 'finish' and other things become more relevant. And if Mr. Bhagwat's purpose was the better served, there may be another bigger, stronger web waiting round the corner. Like the one that took the snake up into the sky.

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  2. Why not Bhagwat.
    Engaging with the other side is necessary if headway has to be made. Denying the RSS legitimacy and locus is a non-starter, one that will only calcify religious acrimony leading to an atrophy of intercommunity relations. It is to the wisdom of the five Muslim gentlemen that they chose to initiate talks with its Chief in an attempt to present their side and perceive the other's mind. Where else could they possibly have commenced a flow of ideas - the Prime Minister and Home Minister are the twin engines of religious divide, who benefit immeasurably as the wedge is inserted deeper. The notion that a meeting with the RSS Chief can lay the grounds for a future interaction with the real implementers appears to be well buttressed. It is the motherlode of Hindu rightwing philosophy and has birthed the BJP. If an institute or organisation can nudge this regime to work towards a softening of its anti-Muslim stance, it can reliably be the RSS. What eventuates from here is anybody's conjecture, but expecting hope and a thaw in the frost is perhaps better serving than negating the effort altogether. Noteworthy is that Bhagwat has ventured into talks and visitations with Muslim clerics and maulvis immediately post his meeting with the delegation.
    We can opt to deride this interaction, in which case we stare at a widening crevasse of hatred. Or we can latch onto this meeting as a precursor to a future comprehensive outreach from both sides to the other. One that will have suitable bartering, requisite posturing and ultimately drawing both communities closer.

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  3. Even if they went knocking up the wrong door, what is exciting is that at long last the educated Muslim elite is showing interest in taking up issues that hold their medieval ages located brethren resolutely away from anything resembling a modern outlook? Look at Iran!

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  4. Mr Patankar's faith in the BJP- RSS combine is touching ( and somewhat disappointing, given that he is a man of erudition and reason). The lamb does not negotiate with the lion. You cannot negotiate with someone who is insincere, duplicitous and has a historical hatred of you. Such a person or orgn has to be confronted and fought. Wanting to parley with them will be seen as weakness and their-antipathy will only be reinforced. Events subsequent to the meeting bear this out- not one word from the Sarsanghchalak to indicate any softening. In fact its business as usual for his cohorts, as the beating up of Muslims everywhere at garba events show. In an ideal world Mr Patankar may be right but the New India is anything but that.

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  5. Avay Shukla's postured options to the Muslim delegation are…

    Stay hard and unbending.
    Engage with somebody else.

    If they were to go by Mr. Shukla's first premise, then there was no reason at the outset for the delegation to form itself. What use do five wise men serve by coalescing if they do not engage with those who predicate their coalition.

    Next, who else do they engage with.
    Anybody besides the RSS-BJP combine on the Hindu side was irrelevant and would have rendered the exercise futile.
    To say that it is duplicitous, inimical, insincere, is to look at the RSS in the rear view mirror while attempting to mend the future. Which would have led them back to Mr. Shukla's first premise.

    Either way the project would have remained a non-starter.
    How does one break this impasse' then.
    If Mr. Shukla questions the actions of the delegation, he must come out with a cogent alternative that will lend hope at bridging the yawning communal divide. Else he must watch the efforts of the stakeholders, preferably as one seated in a library.

    Nodnat's comment is a welcome fresh perspective shifting the arclight on the Muslim side. As is Kabir Mustafi's, who feels that engaging with anyone will be an effort of value that should not be spared. The silence of the Sarsanghchalak, and the condemnable incidents at garbha dances in the aftermath of the meeting are noted. But they do not reduce the efforts of the men who visited the lion in his den.
    Avay Shukla on this occasion appears isolated in his posture.

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  6. I must attach Mohan Bhagwat's Nagpur speech today where he has broken his silence on a much larger podium and seems to assure the country that the RSS is willing to walk it's talk.

    https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/rss-chief-bats-for-comprehensive-population-policy-applicable-equally-to-all-communities/articleshow/94656369.cms

    I would like to believe that the Sarsanghchalak means his words. I am reasonably sure the Muslim intellectuals are comforted after listening to him. Let us await the future with bated breath.

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  7. There is no question of anyone being isolated. This is not a jousting tournament. It is one of the few blog/ post comment feature facilities that I have come across that has remained with the erudite and the intelligent.
    I think the two sides of the coin in this present matter has landed more on the side of 'good hope' than not. BUT -
    is it possible that Mr Bhagwat is a more reasonable person than his colleagues?
    Is it possible that Mr Modi and Mr Shah and others of that ilk will tune their strings to the scale he might set?
    Will he/ can he order the violence to end; the inhuman demolitions to end?
    To castigate and suspend the persons who defiled even the Mother Godess and her panoply in Kolkata by placing Gandhiji as the demon etc.? Will they be consigned to the outer darkness for their brutish idiocy?
    It's one heck of a long road ahead but we've embarked on it. No doubt we will all get a chance to see what happens. For the good of our country through insaniyat and the abandonment of evil. Is it possible good will triumph? Let's see. Meanwhile, Shubho Bijoya.

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  8. We seem to have entered strange times, as some of us have begun to believe that mercy will begin to drop like gentle rain. Some of us almost in a fit of Stockholm syndrome,are beginning to see Angels among villains, messiah in Bhagwat and resolution of minority bashing in mere genuflecting before him. As if we're already into a theocratic state, with complete erasure of Constitution that enshrines minority ' s rights. I am in complete agreement with Mr Sukla.Who are we historically negotiating with? And what about? It's not clash of two cultures.It's the rights minorities or rights every Indian citizen is entitled to.To preserve them,the fight may be long and hard. But no quarter need be given to the Devil.After all " One may smile and smile and be a villain - Hamlet."

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    Replies
    1. Genuflecting before a force that has hitherto shown inimical disposition towards one is not what the intellectuals did. They took recourse to an altogether different approach of engaging with that force, an approach that was not examined before. The approach of frank dialogue. The expounding and imbibing of respective position. The attempt to arrive at common consensus of action and abstainment. The delegation realised what those criticising them did not and still do not - a soft start is better than a hard stance. The road to recovery is long and arduous, with both sides having got battered and bruised in the tumult of time. It is not easy to look at one's wounds and still be willing to giving leeway to the injurer. It requires sight that goes beyond the nose and mind that feels more than the pain of the wounds. The delegation had both. Those without it interpret their action as cowardice or beseeching the enemy. They see it as an elementary binary of atrocity and mercy. They do not have an alternative to suggest, yet they stay derisive. If communal discontent can be reduced by Shakespearean prose, I beg all scholars to quote the Bard unstoppingly.

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